THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release September 9, 2009
_________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release September 9, 2009
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO A JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
ON HEALTH CARE
TO A JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
ON HEALTH CARE
U.S. Capitol
Washington, D.C.
Washington, D.C.
8:16 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, and the American people:
When I spoke here last winter, this nation was
facing the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. We were
losing an average of 700,000 jobs per month. Credit was frozen. And
our financial system was on the verge of collapse.
As any American who is still looking for work
or a way to pay their bills will tell you, we are by no means out of the
woods. A full and vibrant recovery is still many months away. And I
will not let up until those Americans who seek jobs can find them --
(applause) -- until those businesses that seek capital and credit can
thrive; until all responsible homeowners can stay in their homes. That
is our ultimate goal. But thanks to the bold and decisive action we've
taken since January, I can stand here with confidence and say that we
have pulled this economy back from the brink. (Applause.)
I want to thank the members of this body for
your efforts and your support in these last several months, and
especially those who've taken the difficult votes that have put us on a
path to recovery. I also want to thank the American people for their
patience and resolve during this trying time for our nation.
But we did not come here just to clean up
crises. We came here to build a future. (Applause.) So tonight, I
return to speak to all of you about an issue that is central to that
future -- and that is the issue of health care.
I am not the first President to take up this
cause, but I am determined to be the last. (Applause.) It has now been
nearly a century since Theodore Roosevelt first called for health care
reform. And ever since, nearly every President and Congress, whether
Democrat or Republican, has attempted to meet this challenge in some
way. A bill for comprehensive health reform was first introduced by
John Dingell Sr. in 1943. Sixty-five years later, his son continues to
introduce that same bill at the beginning of each session. (Applause.)
Our collective failure to meet this challenge
-- year after year, decade after decade -- has led us to the breaking
point. Everyone understands the extraordinary hardships that are placed
on the uninsured, who live every day just one accident or illness away
from bankruptcy. These are not primarily people on welfare. These are
middle-class Americans. Some can't get insurance on the job. Others
are self-employed, and can't afford it, since buying insurance on your
own costs you three times as much as the coverage you get from your
employer. Many other Americans who are willing and able to pay are
still denied insurance due to previous illnesses or conditions that
insurance companies decide are too risky or too expensive to cover.
We are the only democracy -- the only advanced
democracy on Earth -- the only wealthy nation -- that allows such
hardship for millions of its people. There are now more than 30 million
American citizens who cannot get coverage. In just a two-year period,
one in every three Americans goes without health care coverage at some
point. And every day, 14,000 Americans lose their coverage. In other
words, it can happen to anyone.
But the problem that plagues the health care
system is not just a problem for the uninsured. Those who do have
insurance have never had less security and stability than they do
today. More and more Americans worry that if you move, lose your job,
or change your job, you'll lose your health insurance too. More and
more Americans pay their premiums, only to discover that their insurance
company has dropped their coverage when they get sick, or won't pay the
full cost of care. It happens every day.
One man from Illinois lost his coverage in the
middle of chemotherapy because his insurer found that he hadn't reported
gallstones that he didn't even know about. They delayed his treatment,
and he died because of it. Another woman from Texas was about to get a
double mastectomy when her insurance company canceled her policy
because she forgot to declare a case of acne. By the time she had her
insurance reinstated, her breast cancer had more than doubled in size.
That is heart-breaking, it is wrong, and no one should be treated that
way in the United States of America. (Applause.)
Then there's the problem of rising cost. We
spend one and a half times more per person on health care than any other
country, but we aren't any healthier for it. This is one of the
reasons that insurance premiums have gone up three times faster than
wages. It's why so many employers -- especially small businesses -- are
forcing their employees to pay more for insurance, or are dropping
their coverage entirely. It's why so many aspiring entrepreneurs cannot
afford to open a business in the first place, and why American
businesses that compete internationally -- like our automakers -- are at
a huge disadvantage. And it's why those of us with health insurance
are also paying a hidden and growing tax for those without it -- about
$1,000 per year that pays for somebody else's emergency room and
charitable care.
Finally, our health care system is placing an
unsustainable burden on taxpayers. When health care costs grow at the
rate they have, it puts greater pressure on programs like Medicare and
Medicaid. If we do nothing to slow these skyrocketing costs, we will
eventually be spending more on Medicare and Medicaid than every other
government program combined. Put simply, our health care problem is our
deficit problem. Nothing else even comes close. Nothing else.
(Applause.)
Now, these are the facts. Nobody disputes them. We know we must reform this system. The question is how.
There are those on the left who believe that
the only way to fix the system is through a single-payer system like
Canada's -- (applause) -- where we would severely restrict the private
insurance market and have the government provide coverage for
everybody. On the right, there are those who argue that we should end
employer-based systems and leave individuals to buy health insurance on
their own.
I've said -- I have to say that there are
arguments to be made for both these approaches. But either one would
represent a radical shift that would disrupt the health care most people
currently have. Since health care represents one-sixth of our economy,
I believe it makes more sense to build on what works and fix what
doesn't, rather than try to build an entirely new system from scratch.
(Applause.) And that is precisely what those of you in Congress have
tried to do over the past several months.
During that time, we've seen Washington at its best and at its worst.
We've seen many in this chamber work tirelessly
for the better part of this year to offer thoughtful ideas about how to
achieve reform. Of the five committees asked to develop bills, four
have completed their work, and the Senate Finance Committee announced
today that it will move forward next week. That has never happened
before. Our overall efforts have been supported by an unprecedented
coalition of doctors and nurses; hospitals, seniors' groups, and even
drug companies -- many of whom opposed reform in the past. And there is
agreement in this chamber on about 80 percent of what needs to be done,
putting us closer to the goal of reform than we have ever been.
But what we've also seen in these last months
is the same partisan spectacle that only hardens the disdain many
Americans have towards their own government. Instead of honest debate,
we've seen scare tactics. Some have dug into unyielding ideological
camps that offer no hope of compromise. Too many have used this as an
opportunity to score short-term political points, even if it robs the
country of our opportunity to solve a long-term challenge. And out of
this blizzard of charges and counter-charges, confusion has reigned.
Well, the time for bickering is over. The time
for games has passed. (Applause.) Now is the season for action. Now
is when we must bring the best ideas of both parties together, and show
the American people that we can still do what we were sent here to do.
Now is the time to deliver on health care. Now is the time to deliver
on health care.
The plan I'm announcing tonight would meet
three basic goals. It will provide more security and stability to those
who have health insurance. It will provide insurance for those who
don't. And it will slow the growth of health care costs for our
families, our businesses, and our government. (Applause.) It's a plan
that asks everyone to take responsibility for meeting this challenge --
not just government, not just insurance companies, but everybody
including employers and individuals. And it's a plan that incorporates
ideas from senators and congressmen, from Democrats and Republicans --
and yes, from some of my opponents in both the primary and general
election.
Here are the details that every American needs
to know about this plan. First, if you are among the hundreds of
millions of Americans who already have health insurance through your
job, or Medicare, or Medicaid, or the VA, nothing in this plan will
require you or your employer to change the coverage or the doctor you
have. (Applause.) Let me repeat this: Nothing in our plan requires
you to change what you have.
What this plan will do is make the insurance
you have work better for you. Under this plan, it will be against the
law for insurance companies to deny you coverage because of a
preexisting condition. (Applause.) As soon as I sign this bill, it
will be against the law for insurance companies to drop your coverage
when you get sick or water it down when you need it the most.
(Applause.) They will no longer be able to place some arbitrary cap on
the amount of coverage you can receive in a given year or in a
lifetime. (Applause.) We will place a limit on how much you can be
charged for out-of-pocket expenses, because in the United States of
America, no one should go broke because they get sick. (Applause.) And
insurance companies will be required to cover, with no extra charge,
routine checkups and preventive care, like mammograms and colonoscopies
-- (applause) -- because there's no reason we shouldn't be catching
diseases like breast cancer and colon cancer before they get worse.
That makes sense, it saves money, and it saves lives. (Applause.)
Now, that's what Americans who have health insurance can expect from this plan -- more security and more stability.
Now, if you're one of the tens of millions of
Americans who don't currently have health insurance, the second part of
this plan will finally offer you quality, affordable choices.
(Applause.) If you lose your job or you change your job, you'll be able
to get coverage. If you strike out on your own and start a small
business, you'll be able to get coverage. We'll do this by creating a
new insurance exchange -- a marketplace where individuals and small
businesses will be able to shop for health insurance at competitive
prices. Insurance companies will have an incentive to participate in
this exchange because it lets them compete for millions of new
customers. As one big group, these customers will have greater leverage
to bargain with the insurance companies for better prices and quality
coverage. This is how large companies and government employees get
affordable insurance. It's how everyone in this Congress gets
affordable insurance. And it's time to give every American the same
opportunity that we give ourselves. (Applause.)
Now, for those individuals and small businesses
who still can't afford the lower-priced insurance available in the
exchange, we'll provide tax credits, the size of which will be based on
your need. And all insurance companies that want access to this new
marketplace will have to abide by the consumer protections I already
mentioned. This exchange will take effect in four years, which will
give us time to do it right. In the meantime, for those Americans who
can't get insurance today because they have preexisting medical
conditions, we will immediately offer low-cost coverage that will
protect you against financial ruin if you become seriously ill.
(Applause.) This was a good idea when Senator John McCain proposed it
in the campaign, it's a good idea now, and we should all embrace it.
(Applause.)
Now, even if we provide these affordable
options, there may be those -- especially the young and the healthy --
who still want to take the risk and go without coverage. There may
still be companies that refuse to do right by their workers by giving
them coverage. The problem is, such irresponsible behavior costs all
the rest of us money. If there are affordable options and people still
don't sign up for health insurance, it means we pay for these people's
expensive emergency room visits. If some businesses don't provide
workers health care, it forces the rest of us to pick up the tab when
their workers get sick, and gives those businesses an unfair advantage
over their competitors. And unless everybody does their part, many of
the insurance reforms we seek -- especially requiring insurance
companies to cover preexisting conditions -- just can't be achieved.
And that's why under my plan, individuals will
be required to carry basic health insurance -- just as most states
require you to carry auto insurance. (Applause.) Likewise -- likewise,
businesses will be required to either offer their workers health care,
or chip in to help cover the cost of their workers. There will be a
hardship waiver for those individuals who still can't afford coverage,
and 95 percent of all small businesses, because of their size and narrow
profit margin, would be exempt from these requirements. (Applause.)
But we can't have large businesses and individuals who can afford
coverage game the system by avoiding responsibility to themselves or
their employees. Improving our health care system only works if
everybody does their part.
And while there remain some significant details
to be ironed out, I believe -- (laughter) -- I believe a broad
consensus exists for the aspects of the plan I just outlined: consumer
protections for those with insurance, an exchange that allows
individuals and small businesses to purchase affordable coverage, and a
requirement that people who can afford insurance get insurance.
And I have no doubt that these reforms would
greatly benefit Americans from all walks of life, as well as the economy
as a whole. Still, given all the misinformation that's been spread
over the past few months, I realize -- (applause) -- I realize that many
Americans have grown nervous about reform. So tonight I want to
address some of the key controversies that are still out there.
Some of people's concerns have grown out of
bogus claims spread by those whose only agenda is to kill reform at any
cost. The best example is the claim made not just by radio and cable
talk show hosts, but by prominent politicians, that we plan to set up
panels of bureaucrats with the power to kill off senior citizens. Now,
such a charge would be laughable if it weren't so cynical and
irresponsible. It is a lie, plain and simple. (Applause.)
There are also those who claim that our reform
efforts would insure illegal immigrants. This, too, is false. The
reforms -- the reforms I'm proposing would not apply to those who are
here illegally.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: You lie! (Boos.)
THE PRESIDENT: It's not true. And one more
misunderstanding I want to clear up -- under our plan, no federal
dollars will be used to fund abortions, and federal conscience laws will
remain in place. (Applause.)
Now, my health care proposal has also been
attacked by some who oppose reform as a "government takeover" of the
entire health care system. As proof, critics point to a provision in
our plan that allows the uninsured and small businesses to choose a
publicly sponsored insurance option, administered by the government just
like Medicaid or Medicare. (Applause.)
So let me set the record straight here. My
guiding principle is, and always has been, that consumers do better when
there is choice and competition. That's how the market works.
(Applause.) Unfortunately, in 34 states, 75 percent of the insurance
market is controlled by five or fewer companies. In Alabama, almost 90
percent is controlled by just one company. And without competition, the
price of insurance goes up and quality goes down. And it makes it
easier for insurance companies to treat their customers badly -- by
cherry-picking the healthiest individuals and trying to drop the
sickest, by overcharging small businesses who have no leverage, and by
jacking up rates.
Insurance executives don't do this because
they're bad people; they do it because it's profitable. As one former
insurance executive testified before Congress, insurance companies are
not only encouraged to find reasons to drop the seriously ill, they are
rewarded for it. All of this is in service of meeting what this former
executive called "Wall Street's relentless profit expectations."
Now, I have no interest in putting insurance
companies out of business. They provide a legitimate service, and
employ a lot of our friends and neighbors. I just want to hold them
accountable. (Applause.) And the insurance reforms that I've already
mentioned would do just that. But an additional step we can take to
keep insurance companies honest is by making a not-for-profit public
option available in the insurance exchange. (Applause.) Now, let me be
clear. Let me be clear. It would only be an option for those who
don't have insurance. No one would be forced to choose it, and it would
not impact those of you who already have insurance. In fact, based on
Congressional Budget Office estimates, we believe that less than 5
percent of Americans would sign up.
Despite all this, the insurance companies and
their allies don't like this idea. They argue that these private
companies can't fairly compete with the government. And they'd be right
if taxpayers were subsidizing this public insurance option. But they
won't be. I've insisted that like any private insurance company, the
public insurance option would have to be self-sufficient and rely on the
premiums it collects. But by avoiding some of the overhead that gets
eaten up at private companies by profits and excessive administrative
costs and executive salaries, it could provide a good deal for
consumers, and would also keep pressure on private insurers to keep
their policies affordable and treat their customers better, the same way
public colleges and universities provide additional choice and
competition to students without in any way inhibiting a vibrant system
of private colleges and universities. (Applause.)
Now, it is -- it's worth noting that a strong
majority of Americans still favor a public insurance option of the sort
I've proposed tonight. But its impact shouldn't be exaggerated -- by
the left or the right or the media. It is only one part of my plan, and
shouldn't be used as a handy excuse for the usual Washington
ideological battles. To my progressive friends, I would remind you that
for decades, the driving idea behind reform has been to end insurance
company abuses and make coverage available for those without it.
(Applause.) The public option -- the public option is only a means to
that end -- and we should remain open to other ideas that accomplish our
ultimate goal. And to my Republican friends, I say that rather than
making wild claims about a government takeover of health care, we should
work together to address any legitimate concerns you may have.
(Applause.)
For example -- for example, some have suggested
that the public option go into effect only in those markets where
insurance companies are not providing affordable policies. Others have
proposed a co-op or another non-profit entity to administer the plan.
These are all constructive ideas worth exploring. But I will not back
down on the basic principle that if Americans can't find affordable
coverage, we will provide you with a choice. (Applause.) And I will
make sure that no government bureaucrat or insurance company bureaucrat
gets between you and the care that you need. (Applause.)
Finally, let me discuss an issue that is a
great concern to me, to members of this chamber, and to the public --
and that's how we pay for this plan.
And here's what you need to know. First, I
will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits -- either now or
in the future. (Applause.) I will not sign it if it adds one dime to
the deficit, now or in the future, period. And to prove that I'm
serious, there will be a provision in this plan that requires us to come
forward with more spending cuts if the savings we promised don't
materialize. (Applause.) Now, part of the reason I faced a
trillion-dollar deficit when I walked in the door of the White House is
because too many initiatives over the last decade were not paid for --
from the Iraq war to tax breaks for the wealthy. (Applause.) I will
not make that same mistake with health care.
Second, we've estimated that most of this plan
can be paid for by finding savings within the existing health care
system, a system that is currently full of waste and abuse. Right now,
too much of the hard-earned savings and tax dollars we spend on health
care don't make us any healthier. That's not my judgment -- it's the
judgment of medical professionals across this country. And this is also
true when it comes to Medicare and Medicaid.
In fact, I want to speak directly to seniors
for a moment, because Medicare is another issue that's been subjected to
demagoguery and distortion during the course of this debate.
More than four decades ago, this nation stood
up for the principle that after a lifetime of hard work, our seniors
should not be left to struggle with a pile of medical bills in their
later years. That's how Medicare was born. And it remains a sacred
trust that must be passed down from one generation to the next.
(Applause.) And that is why not a dollar of the Medicare trust fund
will be used to pay for this plan. (Applause.)
The only thing this plan would eliminate is the
hundreds of billions of dollars in waste and fraud, as well as
unwarranted subsidies in Medicare that go to insurance companies --
subsidies that do everything to pad their profits but don't improve the
care of seniors. And we will also create an independent commission of
doctors and medical experts charged with identifying more waste in the
years ahead. (Applause.)
Now, these steps will ensure that you --
America's seniors -- get the benefits you've been promised. They will
ensure that Medicare is there for future generations. And we can use
some of the savings to fill the gap in coverage that forces too many
seniors to pay thousands of dollars a year out of their own pockets for
prescription drugs. (Applause.) That's what this plan will do for
you. So don't pay attention to those scary stories about how your
benefits will be cut, especially since some of the same folks who are
spreading these tall tales have fought against Medicare in the past and
just this year supported a budget that would essentially have turned
Medicare into a privatized voucher program. That will not happen on my
watch. I will protect Medicare. (Applause.)
Now, because Medicare is such a big part of the
health care system, making the program more efficient can help usher in
changes in the way we deliver health care that can reduce costs for
everybody. We have long known that some places -- like the
Intermountain Healthcare in Utah or the Geisinger Health System in rural
Pennsylvania -- offer high-quality care at costs below average. So the
commission can help encourage the adoption of these common-sense best
practices by doctors and medical professionals throughout the system --
everything from reducing hospital infection rates to encouraging better
coordination between teams of doctors.
Reducing the waste and inefficiency in Medicare
and Medicaid will pay for most of this plan. (Applause.) Now, much of
the rest would be paid for with revenues from the very same drug and
insurance companies that stand to benefit from tens of millions of new
customers. And this reform will charge insurance companies a fee for
their most expensive policies, which will encourage them to provide
greater value for the money -- an idea which has the support of
Democratic and Republican experts. And according to these same experts,
this modest change could help hold down the cost of health care for all
of us in the long run.
Now, finally, many in this chamber --
particularly on the Republican side of the aisle -- have long insisted
that reforming our medical malpractice laws can help bring down the cost
of health care. (Applause.) Now -- there you go. There you go. Now,
I don't believe malpractice reform is a silver bullet, but I've talked
to enough doctors to know that defensive medicine may be contributing to
unnecessary costs. (Applause.) So I'm proposing that we move forward
on a range of ideas about how to put patient safety first and let
doctors focus on practicing medicine. (Applause.) I know that the Bush
administration considered authorizing demonstration projects in
individual states to test these ideas. I think it's a good idea, and
I'm directing my Secretary of Health and Human Services to move forward
on this initiative today. (Applause.)
Now, add it all up, and the plan I'm proposing
will cost around $900 billion over 10 years -- less than we have spent
on the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, and less than the tax cuts for the
wealthiest few Americans that Congress passed at the beginning of the
previous administration. (Applause.) Now, most of these costs will be
paid for with money already being spent -- but spent badly -- in the
existing health care system. The plan will not add to our deficit. The
middle class will realize greater security, not higher taxes. And if
we are able to slow the growth of health care costs by just one-tenth of
1 percent each year -- one-tenth of 1 percent -- it will actually
reduce the deficit by $4 trillion over the long term.
Now, this is the plan I'm proposing. It's a
plan that incorporates ideas from many of the people in this room
tonight -- Democrats and Republicans. And I will continue to seek
common ground in the weeks ahead. If you come to me with a serious set
of proposals, I will be there to listen. My door is always open.
But know this: I will not waste time with
those who have made the calculation that it's better politics to kill
this plan than to improve it. (Applause.) I won't stand by while the
special interests use the same old tactics to keep things exactly the
way they are. If you misrepresent what's in this plan, we will call you
out. (Applause.) And I will not -- and I will not accept the status
quo as a solution. Not this time. Not now.
Everyone in this room knows what will happen if
we do nothing. Our deficit will grow. More families will go
bankrupt. More businesses will close. More Americans will lose their
coverage when they are sick and need it the most. And more will die as a
result. We know these things to be true.
That is why we cannot fail. Because there are
too many Americans counting on us to succeed -- the ones who suffer
silently, and the ones who shared their stories with us at town halls,
in e-mails, and in letters.
I received one of those letters a few days
ago. It was from our beloved friend and colleague, Ted Kennedy. He had
written it back in May, shortly after he was told that his illness was
terminal. He asked that it be delivered upon his death.
In it, he spoke about what a happy time his
last months were, thanks to the love and support of family and friends,
his wife, Vicki, his amazing children, who are all here tonight. And he
expressed confidence that this would be the year that health care
reform -- "that great unfinished business of our society," he called it
-- would finally pass. He repeated the truth that health care is
decisive for our future prosperity, but he also reminded me that "it
concerns more than material things." "What we face," he wrote, "is
above all a moral issue; at stake are not just the details of policy,
but fundamental principles of social justice and the character of our
country."
I've thought about that phrase quite a bit in
recent days -- the character of our country. One of the unique and
wonderful things about America has always been our self-reliance, our
rugged individualism, our fierce defense of freedom and our healthy
skepticism of government. And figuring out the appropriate size and
role of government has always been a source of rigorous and, yes,
sometimes angry debate. That's our history.
For some of Ted Kennedy's critics, his brand of
liberalism represented an affront to American liberty. In their minds,
his passion for universal health care was nothing more than a passion
for big government.
But those of us who knew Teddy and worked with
him here -- people of both parties -- know that what drove him was
something more. His friend Orrin Hatch -- he knows that. They worked
together to provide children with health insurance. His friend John
McCain knows that. They worked together on a Patient's Bill of Rights.
His friend Chuck Grassley knows that. They worked together to provide
health care to children with disabilities.
On issues like these, Ted Kennedy's passion was
born not of some rigid ideology, but of his own experience. It was the
experience of having two children stricken with cancer. He never
forgot the sheer terror and helplessness that any parent feels when a
child is badly sick. And he was able to imagine what it must be like
for those without insurance, what it would be like to have to say to a
wife or a child or an aging parent, there is something that could make
you better, but I just can't afford it.
That large-heartedness -- that concern and
regard for the plight of others -- is not a partisan feeling. It's not a
Republican or a Democratic feeling. It, too, is part of the American
character -- our ability to stand in other people's shoes; a recognition
that we are all in this together, and when fortune turns against one of
us, others are there to lend a helping hand; a belief that in this
country, hard work and responsibility should be rewarded by some measure
of security and fair play; and an acknowledgment that sometimes
government has to step in to help deliver on that promise.
This has always been the history of our
progress. In 1935, when over half of our seniors could not support
themselves and millions had seen their savings wiped away, there were
those who argued that Social Security would lead to socialism, but the
men and women of Congress stood fast, and we are all the better for it.
In 1965, when some argued that Medicare represented a government
takeover of health care, members of Congress -- Democrats and
Republicans -- did not back down. They joined together so that all of
us could enter our golden years with some basic peace of mind.
You see, our predecessors understood that
government could not, and should not, solve every problem. They
understood that there are instances when the gains in security from
government action are not worth the added constraints on our freedom.
But they also understood that the danger of too much government is
matched by the perils of too little; that without the leavening hand of
wise policy, markets can crash, monopolies can stifle competition, the
vulnerable can be exploited. And they knew that when any government
measure, no matter how carefully crafted or beneficial, is subject to
scorn; when any efforts to help people in need are attacked as
un-American; when facts and reason are thrown overboard and only
timidity passes for wisdom, and we can no longer even engage in a civil
conversation with each other over the things that truly matter -- that
at that point we don't merely lose our capacity to solve big
challenges. We lose something essential about ourselves.
That was true then. It remains true today. I
understand how difficult this health care debate has been. I know that
many in this country are deeply skeptical that government is looking out
for them. I understand that the politically safe move would be to kick
the can further down the road -- to defer reform one more year, or one
more election, or one more term.
But that is not what the moment calls for.
That's not what we came here to do. We did not come to fear the
future. We came here to shape it. I still believe we can act even when
it's hard. (Applause.) I still believe -- I still believe that we can
act when it's hard. I still believe we can replace acrimony with
civility, and gridlock with progress. I still believe we can do great
things, and that here and now we will meet history's test.
Because that's who we are. That is our
calling. That is our character. Thank you, God bless you, and may God
bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
END 9:03 P.M. EDT
